*The Debatewise Blog
Electoral reform: do we need it?
The second of our articles on issues affecting the election is on electoral reform by Carina Elizabeth Lewis.Electoral reform: do we need it?
We all know that the upcoming General Election has been the most hotly contested in years and the surge in support for the Liberal Democrats, as well as the idea that one party could win a majority of seats without securing the majority votes, have led the British electorate to consider the question of electoral reform more seriously. Would proportional representation lead to a fairer system of voting? Should powers be further devolved to the local parliaments of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland? And should the House of Lords remain unelected?
To answer these questions briefly, let me first make it clear that I do not believe our current electoral system to be perfect. If it is true that only those of us living in the one-fifth of constituencies described as “marginal” have the ability to influence the government, this is surely not an ideal situation. Nevertheless, I firmly believe the current system of voting to be superior to the alternatives espoused by parties such as the Liberal Democrats.
Firstly, on the topic of proportional representation. There is no doubt it has its advantages, but these are arguably outweighed by its drawbacks. We have all heard David Cameron recently warning about the dangers of weak governments, the kind of government which proportional representation all too often creates. Forcing parties into unnatural coalitions in order to hold some kind of majority does nothing but dilute policies and cause the kind of backroom dealings which we should be seeking to eradicate from politics.
This is not to mention the topic of extremism. It has been suggested that under a PR system, parties such as the BNP could gain up to 60 seats in the House of Commons . This is a startlingly high number, which would give the party the ability to influence legislation and even enter into coalitions. Yes, the BNP are a legal party and it is the democratic right of the population to vote for whomsoever they choose, but should the rights of minority groups be endangered because of this?
Next, let us take the issue of devolution. This is an issue about which I can speak with some authority, having spent my summer working for a Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP), and if it taught me anything, it is this: devolution does nothing to help the concerns of the average voter. To have to go to one’s MP for help on one issue, and to one’s MSP, who may belong to a different party or even to a differently named constituency, for another, is not helpful, but confusing, time-consuming and overly bureaucratic. As admirable as the aim of localising government may be, devolving further powers to the parliaments of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland would only serve to complicate matters. Let us take the example of the recent Calman Commission, which recommended the devolution of powers such as setting speeding and drink-driving limits to the Scottish Parliament in Holyrood. Measures like this are confusing and unnecessary to the general public: how can a person be considered to be driving safely on one side of a border, when several miles away the same person would be defined as speeding and drunk?
Finally, on the House of Lords. It has been suggested that the Lords in their current form are undemocratic and unaccountable, and that elections should be introduced to combat this. Ideas such as this, however, forget the purpose of the House of Lords: to scrutinise the legislation proposed by the House of Commons. The Lords include successful and intelligent people from all walks of life: industry, science etc. who are not necessarily drawn to a life in politics and would not be comfortable with standing for election. Yet it is exactly the specialist skills and knowledge of these people which we need, skills which our House of Commons can sometimes lack. Also, let us not forget the relative independence of the House of Lords: where party whips have less sway and elections are not a constant worry, one is free to fully consider the issue in hand rather than merely offering a party line. To fully elect the House of Lords would be to trade this specialist knowledge and ability to judge each issue on its relative merits for sheer populism and careerism.
To summarise, then, whilst the ideas for electoral reform proposed by parties such as the Liberal Democrats may sound attractive on paper, it is my belief that in practice they would have effects quite opposite to those intended. No, our electoral system is not perfect: but let us consider carefully the nature of the problems at hand before proposing sweeping, and frankly unnecessary, changes.
Carina Elizabeth Lewis